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One of the main criticisms of the Angry Brigade was — and still is — that 
their actions unleashed a wave of repression against the Left in Britain. But the fact that 
until then the Left had been left relatively undisturbed does not mean that repression 
did not exist, and is not being enforced every moment of the day in every sphere of 
proletarian life. Whether this repression uses its instruments of war (police, rubber 
bullets, lead bulets, tanks, etc) depends on the level the struggle is at beyond the 
official instruments of defence (trade unions, parties), and which in reality are part of 
the ‘kid glove’ side of repression along with the media and the church. However small, 
however insignificant it may seem, any action which disregards the rules, which does 
not seek a mediator, which excludes the logic of dialogue, is a potential danger to the 
status quo, not only of the State and the capitalists, but also of the official workers’ 

In this framework the Angry Brigade emerge not as a deviation but as a 
concrete alternative proposition in response to the intensification of the class struggle 
at the time. Not only their communiques but the actions themselves were in the logic of 
revolutionary counter-information, reaching out beyond official channels to underline 
the institutional violence of the system, and to show that institutions are made of men. 
Men are vulnerable and can be attacked — one particularly painful area of attack is 
their property, and that is where the Angry Brigade chose to strike. 

Cover-designed by Clifford Harper 


£. 2.00 







Chrissus & Odotheus 

Barbarians (critique of Empire) 

Bratach Dubh Anarchist Pamphlets : 

Alfredo M. Bonanno 

Alfredo M. Bonanno 


Otto Ruhle 

Errico Malatesta 

Anarchism and the National Liberation 

Workers’ Autonomy 

Armed Struggle in Italy 

The Struggle Against Fascism begins with 

The Struggle Against Bolshevism 

Fra Contadin 

Contributions to the Revolutionary 

Elephant Editions, B.M. Elephant, London WCIN 3XX 

anarchist pocketbooks 


Anarchist Pocketbooks : 

Antonio Tellez 

Sabate : Guerilla Extraordinary 

Midnight Notes 

Strange Victories 


The Angry Brigade 

Peter Kropotkin 

The Conquest of Bread 

Osvaldo Bayer 

Anarchism and Violence 

Peter Kropotkin 

The Great French Revolution 

Alfredo M. Bonanno 

From Riot to Insurrection 

Anarchist Pamphlets : 

Alfredo M. Bonanno 

Armed Joy 

Alfredo M. Bonanno 

The Anarchist Tension 

Dominique Karamazov 

The Poverty of Feminism 


Albania, Laboratory of Subversion 

Alfredo M. Bonanno 

The Insurrectional Project 


At Daggers Drawn 

Charles Reeve & 

Sylvie Deneuve 

Beyond the Balaclavas of SE Mexico 

Alfredo M. Bonanno 

Apart From the Obvious Exceptions 

Alfredo M. Bonanno 

Revolution,Violence, etc 

Work in Progress : 

Alfredo M. Bonanno 

Propulsive Utopia 

Various authors 

Revolutionary Solidarity 

Alfredo M. Bonanno 

Critique of Synicalist Methods 

Alfredo M. Bonanno 


Feral Faun 

Feral Revolution 

Alfredo M. Bonanno 

Let’s Destroy Work 

Leila and Sasha, KKA 

The Anarchist Ethic in the Era of 




Introduction by Jean Weir 

Elephant Editions 

First published in 1978 by Bratach Dubh Anarchist Pamphlets 

This pocketbook edition published in 1985 by Elephant Editions, 
BM Elephant, London WCI N 3XX 

Cover Design by Clifford Harper 

Second Edition January 1993 
Third Edition August 2005 


.One London-based ATS officer is reported to have said that it 

was unlikely that the Angry Brigade had reformed,.... it is not pos¬ 
sible for the Angry Brigade to ‘re-form’. It wasn’t an organisation, 
nor was it a single grouping—but an expression of the anger and 
contempt many people up and down the country had for the State 
and its institutions. In this sense the Angry Brigade is with us all the 
time (the man or the woman sitting next to you?) — it neither ap¬ 
pears or disappears (or re-forms) but is the natural manifestation 
of revolt when that revolt is directed at the heart of all that causes 
suffering: the State. 

Black Flag, Vol VI I No 2, Feb 1983. 



We decided to plant the explosives on the electricity pylon 
north of Maltby in order to damage the pylon, disrupt the Supergrid 
link from the Midlands to the North East, and to show that the 
system is vulnerable. 

We see the State employing here the techniques of repression 
developed and practised against the people of Ireland. But we too 
have learnt lessons from the Irish struggle. 

As we move towards open CLASS WAR, you will not find us 

VICTORY TO THE HIT SQUADS. Teeside Humberside, join 



Communique sent to the Conservative Party : 


WE PLANTED the small bombs in your northern headquarters at 
Manchester and Leeds as a reminder to you of the active resistance 
which exists in this country. 

We have had enough of you ruining our lives. You commit the 
worst forms of violence in our society and you don’t care. We are 
thrown out of work, abused by the DHSS and the police, deported 
and exploited—and still it’s not enough for you. Every day we are 
subjected to greater repression; police powers are increased, more 
racist laws introduced, 20 years of gains by women are eroded in 
three, the organised labour movement is under attack, and now 
we see a policy of summary execution. 

You thinkyou can crush us, but you’re wrong. We will not remain 
silent in the face of this onslaught-we are fighting back. So far our 
actions have been aimed at property and not people, but our pa¬ 
tience is wearing thin. 




‘Overcrowding in the prisons, general repression and the 
murder of Barry Prosser earlier this year by screws in Winson 
Green Prison are some of the reasons given by a group calling itself 
the ‘Angry Brigade Resistance Movement’, for the bomb attack 
on property belonging to the Prison Officers Training College in 










The Struggle Continues... 




expertise, personnel and access to information sources. The more 
recent actions of Action Directe indicate the strategy and tactics 
we should employ. As before, there will be no ‘mindless terror’, 
no deaths, no hijackings, no hostage-taking of innocent bystanders. 
We have nothing in common with the tactics or policies of the Red 
Army Faction, Red Brigades, PLO or any other authoritarian group 
committed to a struggle for power or control of the State at the 
expense of the man and woman in the street. The social revolution 
will not be built on the corpses of the old rulers or their functionar¬ 
ies; it can only be built by people taking control of their own lives, 
asserting their independence, their rejection of the State, of power 
politics, of authoritarian lifestyles and the competitive values of 
consumerism forced on us from birth to death. 

In fighting these evils we also have positive aspirations. We wish 
for a self-managed society as the only possible basis on which we 
can build a more just, equitable and libertarian world for ourselves 
and our children. The increased power of the State, the aggressive 
confrontation policies of the Thatcher government, the breakdown 
of free collective bargaining and consensus in everyday life, the 
ever-increasing estrangement of people from the decisionmaking 
processes, etc, indicate only one course of action. We must reject 
and resist this inexorable erosion of our humanity and hopes with 
whatever means are available to us. 



is unlikely to improve without a reversal of their policies. This, in 
turn, is going to lead to largescale social unrest. There are no work¬ 
able economic remedies available to them within the monetarist 
ideology with which they are obsessed. Unemployment will rise 
steeply, inflation will worsen, more factories and businesses will 
close down or go bankrupt, apathy and tension will pervade social 
relationships, the trade union leadership will be unable to restrain 
the rank-and-file. People will get angrier and more frustrated, and 
stronger and more desperate forms of control will have to be im¬ 
posed as the system starts to fail, go hopelessly out of control, and 
finally collapse altogether. 

WHY NOW AND NOT BEFORE? The late sixties and seventies 
saw a similar period of strident anti-working class hysteria and 
legislation which led up to the infamous and unsuccessful attempt 
to control organised labour through the Industrial Relations Bill. 
This led to the downfall of the Heath government. Having failed to 
break the labour movement through the courts, the Tories have 
now turned to a more oblique approach: a deliberate policy of mass 
unemployment! No doubt the Thatcher clique will be strengthened 
in their resolve with the election of Reagan, and begin to intensify 
their policies with each concession made to them. 

WE ARE NO VANGUARD, nor do we claim to lead or represent 
anyone other than ourselves in our resistance to the arrogance of 
the present government and the misery, frustration and despair 
created by its selfish and inhuman policies. It is simply that we as 
individuals are approaching the limits of our tolerance. We see our¬ 
selves as an expression of the anger, resistance and hope created 
by the impending failure of this rapidly polarising society. 

IN THE PAST TEN YEARS we have operated mainly in France, Italy, 
Spain, Germany and North America, and have acquired new skills. 


The eight libertarian militants on trial in the Old Bailey in 1972 
who were chosen by the British State to be the ‘conspirators’ of the 
Angry Brigade, found themselves facing not only the class enemy 
with all its instruments of repression, but also the obtuseness and 
incomprehension—when not condemnation—of the organised 

Described as ‘mad’, ‘terrorists’, ‘adventurists’, or at best au¬ 
thors of ‘gestures of a worrying desperation’, the Angry Brigade 
were condemned without any attempt to analyse their actions or 
to understand what they signified in the general context of the class 
struggle in course. The means used to justify this were simple: by 
defining the actions of the Angry Brigade as ‘terrorist’, and equat¬ 
ing this with ‘individualist’, the movement organisations—whose 
tendency is to see the relationship between individual and mass as 
something in contrast—neatly excluded them from their concerns. 
Strangely enough this attitude was not limited to the broad left but 
was also prevalent within the anarchist movement, where still today 
there is a tendency to ignore the role of the individual within the 
mass, and the role of the specific group within the mass movement. 
When the question is raised, it is usually in the form of absolute con¬ 
demnation. For example, in an article entitled ‘Terrorism’ [sic] we 
read: ‘If a few people take it upon themselves to engage in ‘Armed 
Struggle’, this spells out for us, besides the usual public hostility, 
police harassment, arrests and defence campaigns, the loss of all 
our political lessons, gains and strengths’.(Class War) 


The problems encountered by the comrades of the Angry 
Brigade were similar to those of other groups active at the time 
who had refused the limits of struggle delineated by the State—the 
so-called limits of legality, beyond which the repressive mechanism is 
unleashed—and taken as their points of reference the level of mass 
struggle. This decision was in defiance of the State’s definition of the 
struggle’s confines. It also defied the limits imposed by the official 
workers’ movement and the extra-parliamentary organisations, 
including the anarchist movement. The Symbionese Liberation Army 
in the US, the RAF in Germany, the first of the Red Brigades in Italy, 
were all isolated by the ‘revolutionary’ organisations, condemned 
as agitators, provocateurs, individualist terrorists threatening the 
growth of the mass movement. 

On the attitude to the SLA, Martin Sostre was to write in 
America: The denunciation of the SLA by the movement press is 
indistinguishable from that of the ruling class. Each left organisation 
seems to be competing with the others for their legitimacy by de¬ 
nouncing the SLA... Conspicuously absent from the denunciations is 
any discussion of the role of armed struggle. Revolutionary violence 
is seen as something repulsive that should be shunned. The left 
movement press would have one believe that to overthrow the 
criminal ruling class we have merely to organise mass movements, 
demonstrations of protest and repeat revolutionary slogans.’ 

One such paper in this country—the Trotskyist Red Mole—dis¬ 
tinguished itself by calling for solidarity with the comrades accused 
in the Angry Brigade trial, with the following reservation—‘It is no 
use the organised left criticizing the politics of the Angry Brigade 
unless we also recognise why a lot of potentially very good com¬ 
rades reject the various Leninist organisations, and indeed resort 
to bomb-throwing—until you are caught—by itself an easy option 
that does not deal with the problem of helping to change the politi- 




ALMOST TEN YEARS have passed since the political situation in 
the UK called for the type of direct action as practised by the Angry 
Brigade. The wheel has turned full circle and we are obliged, once 
again, to prepare to defend ourselves against the provocations of a 
virulently anti-working class State and its multinational manipulators, 
such as the Steering Committee of the Bilderberg Group and the 
Trilateral Commission. 

SINCE THE THATCHER GOVERNMENT came to power, we have 
seen a rapid increase in the power of the repressive organs of the 
State, with a correspondingly obsessive and paranoid emphasis on 
perfecting its machinery for ‘countersubversion.’ and ‘law and or¬ 
der’, political euphemisms for the control and elimination of all real, 
potential, and imaginary dissidents. The increased expenditure on 
police, prisons and army, the constant surveillance of trade unionists, 
harassment of investigative journalists, whistleblowers, environmen¬ 
tal, ecological and community activists, the extended deployment of 
the SAS in Northern Ireland with their assassinations of outspoken 
socialists such as Miriam Daly and probably Noel Little and Ronnie 
Bunting, the overt terrorising and intimidation of anyone remotely 
connected with the struggle in Northern Ireland, the emphasis on 
population control in police training and the increased number of 
armed police patrolling the streets of Britain, the new picket laws, 
etc; all these things indicate that the consensus in British politics is 
rapidly becoming a thing of the past. 

THE GROWTH IN STATE SECURITY is necessitated by the po¬ 
litical and economic policies of the Thatcher government and its 
supporters. They know only too well that the economic situation 


* * * 

Following the trial Commander Bond was promoted to Deputy As¬ 
sistant Commissioner at Scotland Yard, Det. Chief Superintendent 
Habershon was made Commander and seconded to the Home Of¬ 
fice’s Research and Planning Office in 1973. In June 1974 he headed 
the police investigation into the killing of Kevin Gateley, the Warwick 
University student, in Red Lion Square on June 5th 1974—as a result 
of which the police were absolved of all responsibility. In April 1975 
Commander Habershon was appointed head of the Bomb Squad, 
replacing Robert Huntley. 


The situation today is very different to that of the late sixties and 
early seventies. New comrades are taking up the struggle, which has 
spread to that of attacks on NATO installations and nuclear power 
stations as well as other manifestations of the increasing militarism 
in Europe and the US and Canada. There are no structures today 
that correspond to the old RAF, Action Directe, the Red Brigades 
as they once were, or other forms of fairly structured armed groups. 
The signatures and emblems are still used, but the comrades us¬ 
ing them have hardly any direct relationship with others doing the 
same. What is apparent is that there is a will to act against the new 
and old forms of repression and in doing so, to also criticise the 
old forms of organisation. It is in this light that we see the following 
Communiques that have appeared in this country over the past 
three years. Another opening towards armed struggle appears on 
the horizon. It finds its roots in the mass illegality of the present, and 
seeks to go further in terms of creating a new specific revolutionary 
armed attack. It is time to take a positon and to act. 


cal understanding of millions of people.’ Understandable enough in 
view of the Leninist program. But from the anarchist perspective? 
We read on the front page of a fairly recent issue of Freedom, ‘Even 
the bombing campaign carried out by the Angry Brigade which was 
technically brilliant., achieved absolutely nothing because, in direct 
contradiction with their spoken ideals, they were trying to act as 
an elite vanguard leaving ordinary people as passive spectators of 
their actions. Far from this resulting in an ‘awakening of the masses’ 
it resulted in a fear of anarchism and anarchist ideas which has sig¬ 
nificantly contributed to our current impotence.’ 

As we can see, the old preoccupation persists: that of protecting 
the movement (especially the anarchist one) from the ‘adventur¬ 

In fact the movement of the exploited is not and never has 
been one monolithic mass all acting together with the same level 
of awareness. The struggle against capital has from the beginning 
been characterised by a dichotomy between the official workers’ 
movement on the one hand, with its various organisations—par¬ 
ties, unions, etc. channelling dissent into a manageable form of 
quantitative mediation with the bosses. And on the other hand, the 
often less visible movement of ‘uncontrollables’ who emerge from 
time to time in explicit organisational forms, but who often remain 
anonymous, responding at individual level by sabotage, expropria¬ 
tion, attacks on property, etc., in the irrecuperable logic of insur¬ 
rection. There is no distinct or fixed dividing line between the two 
movements. They often affect each other, the surge from the base 
obliging the big official organisations to take a certain direction, or 
the inverse, where the latter put a brake an autonomous struggles. 
Many of those who make up the mass of union membership are 
also extremely active in extra-union (and by definition extra-legal) 
forms of struggle. Each side, however, has its own heritage: on the 


one a heritage of deals and sellouts, the great victories that are real 
defeats on the workers’ backs; on the other, a heritage of direct 
action, riots, organised insurrections or individual actions which all 
together form part of the future society we all desire, and without 
which it would be nothing but a utopian dream. 

A brief look at the development of the struggle in this country 
shows this duality quite clearly. The organised anticapitalist move¬ 
ment as we know it today began to take shape at the beginning of the 
nineteenth century. Unlike the other European capitalist countries 
developing at the same time, there was only a minor communist 
influence both at organisational and ideological level. Traditional 
British anti-intellectualism and ‘common sense’ were perhaps fun¬ 
damental to a more pragmatic form of organisation which took the 
form of trades unions. These unions were from the start reformist, 
although at times, through pressure from the base, some knew 
insurrectional moments. The changes the unions proposed were 
however usually intended to come about using nonviolent methods 
within the constitutional limits. The most numerically significant of 
the early worker’s movements was the Chartist one, which began 
around 1838. Recognised as the first modern mass movement, 
the first Chartist petition had one and a quarter million signatures. 
This is clearly not a qualitative assessment of active adherents. Even 
this movement was marked by two opposing currents: on the one 
hand those preaching nonviolence and the constitutional road to 
universal suffrage as a solution; on the other, those who spoke of 
(and carried out) rebellion and armed direct action. These were the 
so-called ‘moral force’ and the ‘physical force’, They were linked 
to the division between the tradesmen and unskilled workers and 
were never reconciled, possibly accounting for the short duration 
of the movement. 

During and immediately preceding this period there also existed 


Industrial Relations Act, Fair Rents Act, Miss World contest, etc. 
Their scientific ‘experts’tried to pin 25 of the bombings that took 
place in England between 1968 and 1971 on to these people, claim¬ 
ing that these bombings were ‘associated’—disregarding other 
similar bombings and covering up the differences between the 25. 
But the explosions were claimed by groups as different as the 1st of 
May group, the Angry Brigade, The Wild Bunch and Butch Cassidy 
and the Sundance Kid. And the ‘set’ didn’t include 3 claimed by the 
Angry Brigade AFTER Amhurst Road was raided. 

Now the defence is beginning, the truth can come out: the only 
conspiracy there’s been is a STATE CONSPIRACY. 

* * * 

Police explosives expert testifies that between March 1968 and 
August 1971 there had been 123 known attacks on property. 
NOVEMBER 24: During his summing up Mr Justice James directed 
the jury to ignore the defence’s protestations that it was a political 
trial. He said: ‘it is not (a political trial) and I direct you to have none 
of it. Political trials are trials of people for their political views. We 
do not have them in this country.’ 

DECEMBER 6: The trial ends. Jim Greenfield, Anna Mendleson, 
Hilary Creek and John Barker are sentenced to 10 years for ‘con¬ 
spiracy to cause explosions’. The other four charged are acquitted, 
and the sentence of Jake Prescott is reduced to 10 years. 
DECEMBER 7: After the Angry Brigade sentences the previous 
day, Scotland Yard names two more people they want in connec¬ 
tion with the bombings: Gerry Osner and Sarah Poulikakou, both 
living abroad at the time. 300 people march in protest to Holloway 

In all, 12 people were arrested and charged—2 had the charges 
against them withdrawn, 5 were acquitted, five were convicted and 
imprisoned for conspiracy. 



The Press have reported nothing of all this—just as they never 
reported the bombings until it suited them. What are they scared 


The only concrete evidence is the guns and gelignite ‘found’ by the 
police in the flat where four of the defendants lived. At first the 
police said that 2 of the 4 were there throughout the raid; then 
they admitted that at one point they were taken out of the flat then 
brought back. WHY? The fingerprint expert admitted that there 
were no prints on the guns and explosives. WHY NOT? 

The prosecution’s story changed from day to day. It emerged that 
the police would have fallen flat over the guns and gelly as they came 
into the flat if it had been where they said it was, instead of ‘finding’ 
it ten minutes later; so they suddenly ‘remembered’ for the first 
time—a year later—that it had been covered with cloth. 


One detective was forced to admit that he had altered his notebook 
during the trial. Another gave the game away altogether when he 
said that he and a colleague sat down in the kitchen and ‘decided’ 
what happened in the raid. 


The rest of the evidence against the eight is research, letters, and 
articles written by the defendants for different underground papers 
( Frendz, Strike ) and broadsheets. The prosecution call them proof 
of conspiracy because they mention such political targets as the 


forms of autonomous revolt, such as that of the many artisans in 
the textile industry who, under threat of losing their jobs or of being 
reduced to non-specialized labourers, organised in armed groups. 
The most significant of these insurrectional movements was that 
known as Luddism, which took place between 1810 and 1820. 
During this period an immense amount of property was destroyed, 
including vast numbers of textile frames redesigned to produce 
inferior, shoddy goods. The Luddites, taking the name of Ned Ludd 
who had taken a sledge hammer to the frames at hand, organised 
themselves locally and even federally with great coordination, and 
in spite of vast deployments of soldiers, especially in West Riding 
and Yorkshire where the movement was strongest, generalised 
insurrection was approached on more than one occasion. As John 
Zerzan points out, this was not the despairing outburst of work¬ 
ers having no other outlet, as a long tradition of unionism was in 
existence among textile workers and others prior to and during 
the Luddite uprisings. 

In the early 1830’s it was the turn of agricultural workers to 
become casual labourers to organise in the ‘army’ of Captain Swing, 
a mythical figure adopted as a symbol of the farm workers who 
burned ricks and barns, threatening their oppressors—farmers, 
vicars, Justices of the peace alike—with the same fate. Where the 
Luddites were extremely organised, the Swing men lacked secrecy. 
Nineteen of them were hanged (sixteen for arson) 644 jailed, and 
481 deported to Australia. 

Along with the inevitable development in the forces of repres¬ 
sion in the form of police and army, we see the development of the 
unions as an attempt to instill order from within the work situation 
itself. By their division by trades, and by specialised and non-special- 
ised workers, they had the effect not only of controlling but also of 
fragmenting the struggle and diffusing it along these artificial divisions. 

By 1910 there were over 50 unions in the engineering industry alone. 
The revolutionary movement that subsequently developed began 
partly as a destruction of the old forms of organisation. 

Three important movements developed. The evolutionary 
syndicalist movement under the French influence; the industrial syn¬ 
dicalists (IWW) from America and the shop stewards movement, 
which was particularly active in the Clydeside in Scotland. They 
struggled for the control of industry by the workers and against the 
failure of the orthodox trade unions and left parliamentarianism to 
get any improvement in working conditions. But these movements, 
although strong at local level, and capable of organizing important 
strikes and revolts, never went beyond the limits of the engineering 
and transport industries and the mines. 

The war years saw a pact between the trade unions and the 
government. Both combined to forcibly instill a sense of patriotism 
in the workers to prepare them for the great massacre that was to 
come. Strikes became illegal as a result of this deal, showing clearly 
how the borderline between legality and illegality is a malleable 
instrument in the hands of power. Not all went willingly to the 
slaughter and the many deserters and mutinies which were savagely 
put down are still part of the proletariat’s unwritten history. 

The Communist Party, formed in 1920 during the post war 
depression, was authoritarian and centralised. Although the party 
never gained the support that its continental counterparts did, it 
nevertheless carried out its role of policing the struggles in course. 
For example it entered the struggles of the unemployed who were 
organised in local groups expropriating food, squatting, etc., and 
channelled them into making reformist demands on the State and 
large demonstrations such as the Jarrow hunger marches. 


tenced to a total of 81 years as a result of an expropriation carried 
out against the Bank of Scotland in June, 1971. The comrades, who 
defended their actions politically in court, were dealt the highest 
sentences ever by a Scottish court for robbery: William McPherson, 
26 years, Matt Lygate, 25 years, and Ian Doran were virtually ignored 
by the revolutionary left. 

MARCH 30: Bomb containing I 3 sticks of gelignite planted on 
railway line near Stranraer, Glasgow, used by the Army to transport 
men and equipment to ferry for N. Ireland. 

APRIL 6: Second bomb (13 sticks) planted on rail link near Glas¬ 

APRIL 24: Homemade bomb planted at police headquarters at 
Sleaford, Lancs. 15 year old boy held. 

APRIL 26: Bomb blast and fire at Tory HQ, Billericay, Essex. 
MAY I : Explosion at CS gas factory. 

MAY 30: Trial of‘Stoke Newington Eight’ accused of conspiracy 
to cause Angry Brigade bombings, begins in No I Court at the Old 
Bailey in London. This was to be the longest trial in the history of 
the British legal system. 

Excerpt from a Stoke Newington Eight Defence 


Has been four months of prosecution, four months of police wit¬ 
ness after police witness contradicting each other, changing their 
story, LYING, broken only for four weeks when the judge had his 


Purdie found not guilty on all charges. Jake Precott found not guilty 
of specific bombings, but guilty of conspiracy to cause bombings 
on the basis of having written three envelopes, and was sentenced 
to fifteen years. 

DECEMBER 15: Jordanian Ambassador, London, machine- 
gunned in his car. 

DECEMBER 18: Kate McLean arrested and charged along with 
Angela Weir, Chris Allen and Pauline Conroy, who had been ar¬ 
rested during the course of November, of having conspired with the 
six people already arrested on conspiracy charges. Shortly before 
the opening of Committal proceedings against the ten militants, At¬ 
torney General, Sir Peter Rawlinson, the victim of one of the Angry 
Brigade attacks, decided there was insufficient evidence for a case 
to be made against Pauline Conroy and Chris Allen, and they were 
released from custody. 


JANUARY 22: Explosive letter sent to MP at House of Com¬ 

FEBRUARY I: Rhodesia House in London firebombed. 
FEBRUARY 3: Kirkgate, Huddersfield, Army Recruiting Office 
destroyed by firebombs. 

FEBRUARY I 7: Bonhill Street Social Security Office, London, 
firebombed. Liverpool Army HQ, Edge Lane, bombed. Severe 

FEBRUARY 22: Aldershot Paras HQ bombed—7 killed. 
MARCH 10: South African Airways, London, firebombed. 
MARCH I 5: (Approx) Prison officer shot outside Wandsworth 

MARCH 20: Two shots fired through the front of the Army Re¬ 
cruiting Office, Slough, Bucks. 

MARCH: Four members of the Workers’ Party of Scotland sen- 


The General Strike was emblematic of the contrast between 
the mass of workers and the unions and parties who claimed to 
represent them. 

However, with the recovery and development of heavy indus¬ 
try, the main energies of the exploited were concentrated at the 
workplace, the only place they now found themselves together. 
The shop stewards’ movement was revived in the fifties and sixties 
in the so-called boom years. But, although nearer to the base of 
the workers, it broke up the area of struggle even further than the 
already single trades orientated unions. The growing division of 
labour caused increasing divisions in struggle, with the result that 
solidarity between the various sectors was limited, even between 
workers in the same factory. 

While the unions were working to develop industry along with 
the bosses, the base were developing different, uncontrollable forms 
of struggle such as go-slows, wildcat strikes, sit-ins, etc. For exam¬ 
ple, of the 421 strikes in the docks at the beginning of the sixties, 
410 were unofficial. These same workers had already experienced 
troops being moved into the docks by a Labour government, and 
TGWU officials giving evidence against their own members ten 
years before. 

Acceleration in automation, work pace, and alienation, espe¬ 
cially in the fast developing car industry, created struggles which went 
against the union/ management work ethic. Against bargaining and 
negotiation, car workers and dockers in particular were carrying 
out sabotage on the assembly lines, wildcat strikes and occupations. 
At times they succeeded in pushing their ‘defence’ organisations 
into situations of attack and across the frontiers of sectoralism and 
trades differences into which they had been conscripted. But the 
economism of the unions was one of capital’s strongest arms. At a 
time when industrial riots and even insurrections were spreading all 


over Europe, each starting from a minority with its own objectives 
and spreading to other categories of workers in the same industry, 
then beyond, using pickets, workers’ committees, assemblies, etc., 
the unions were the only organs capable of negotiating with the 
management and getting workers to return to work under great 
slogans of unity. 

This dualism in the workers’ movement between elements 
of the base struggling directly and spontaneously within a precise 
economic situation, and the representatives of the national politics 
of the official workers’ movement always ready to put a brake on 
and formalise struggles (e.g. boycotts, strikes and even ‘working to 
rule’), turning them into instruments of negotiation with the indus¬ 
tries, has always existed. But not all the actions of the base can be 
instrumentalised and the thrust towards illegality can never be fully 
stifled. At times it might seem so. But even during the relative ‘lulls’, 
there exists a perpetual movement of absenteeists, expropriators, 
and saboteurs. This movement from below, which emerged in force 
at the end of the sixties, dispelled the myth of the passive, stable 
English working class, just as the image of the traditional worker 
changed with the increase in the number of women and immigrant 
workers in productive work and the rapidly expanding service 

At the same time a new movement was growing in the schools 
and colleges. One of the main points of reference for this movement 
was the Vietnam war. In every college and university various groups 
were struggling for political space. For a period there was an attempt 
to form a unified students movement, the Revolutionary Students 
Federation. The most significant groups were of a Trotskyite ten¬ 
dency, Maoism having had little influence in this country. But the 
sterile politics of the straight left (Trotskyites and other Leninists) 
could not contain the new anti-authoritarian movement that was 


SEPTEMBER 16: Bomb discovered in officers’ mess inside Dart¬ 
moor prison. (News not released for two weeks). 
SEPTEMBER 20: Support of Chelsea Bridge opposite army bar¬ 
racks bombed. (Blast heard three miles away). 

SEPTEMBER 24: Despite the fact that the police claim to have ar¬ 
rested all the Angry Brigade, the Albany Street Army Barracks (near 
the Bomb Squad HQ) is bombed by the Angry Brigade in protest 
against the actions of the British Army in Northern Ireland. 
OCTOBER I 5: Maryhill Barracks Army HQ, Glasgow, fire- 

OCTOBER 20: Home of Bryant, Birmingham building boss, 
bombed while his workers are on strike. Communique issued by 
the Angry Brigade. 

OCTOBER 30: Post Office Tower in London is bombed by the 
Angry Brigade. 

OCTOBER 30: The Cunning Man’ Pub, Reading, which refused 
to serve workers from the M4 site, bombed. 

NOVEMBER I: Army Tank HQ in Everton Street, London, 
bombed by the Angry Brigade. 

NOVEMBER 6: Amsterdam: attack against Lloyds Bank; Basle: Ital¬ 
ian Consulate attacked; Rome: British Embassy attacked; Barcelona: 
British Embassy attacked. All in support of the ‘Stoke Newington 
Eight’ and the Italian anarchists imprisoned on trumped-up charges 
of ‘conspiracy’ and subversion. 

NOVEMBER 11: Haverstock Street, Islington, raided. Angie Weir 
arrested, taken to Albany Street and charged with conspiracy to 
cause explosions. 

NOVEMBER 17: 89 Talbot Road raided: Chris Allen ends up 
similarly charged. 

NOVEMBER 26: Pauline Conroy arrested in her flat in Powis 
Square and charged. 

NOVEMBER 29: Broadstairs Courthouse firebombed. 
DECEMBER I: Trial of Ian Purdie and Jake Prescott ends. Ian 


while visiting the house. One hour later Chris Bott is also arrested 
at the same place. Both are taken to join the others at Albany 
Street Police Station. Incriminating evidence in the form of two 
detonators is planted by police officers in Christie’s car. Both men 
are also verballed. 

AUGUST 23: All are charged at Albany Street Police Station 

• Conspiring to cause explosions between January I st , 

1968 and August 2 I st , 1971. 

• Possessing explosive substances for an unlawful 

• Possessing a pistol without a firearms certificate. 

• Possessing eight rounds of ammunition without a 


• Possessing two machine guns without the authority 
of the Secretary of State. 

• Possessing 36 rounds of ammunition without a firearms 

• Jim: attempting to cause an explosion in May 1970. 

• Anna and Jim: attempting to cause an explosion in 
Manchester, October 1970. 

• Stuart: possessing one round of ammunition without a 
firearms certificate. (This was dated back 2 years when 
a bullet was taken from his flat. No charges were 
preferred against him at the time.) 

• John, Jim and Stuart: possessing explosive substances. 

• Jim, John and Hilary: receiving stolen vehicle. 

• Stuart: possessing explosive substances. (The two 
detonators were planted by the police). All are refused 
bail and remanded in custody to await trial. 

AUGUST 29: Military wing of Edinburgh Castle bombed. 
SEPTEMBER 10: Ipswich Courthouse bombed. 


beginning to develop. 

The politics of everyday life—organising around one’s own 
oppression, trying to overcome the division between workers and 
students, between men and women, forming groups around pre¬ 
cise problems as opposed to under political banners—was in full 
development. A vast movement of claimants, squatters, feminists, 
etc., emerged expressing not the Right to Work but the Refusal 
of Work, not employing the waiting tactics of unionist education 
but taking, Here and Now what was being refused, and refusing 
what was being offered. A critique of the nuclear family as a firm 
bastion of capitalist power led to many experiences of communal 
living. This movement in all its complexity, not so much a students 
movement, but a widespread one comprising of young workers, 
students and unemployed, could be called the libertarian movement 
of the time. 

This movement was comprised of autonomous groups acting 
outside the stagnant atmosphere of the traditional anarchist move¬ 
ment with its own microscopic power centres which, as Bakunin 
so astutely pointed out, are just as nefarious as any other power 
structure. A parallel can therefore be drawn between the dichotomy 
within the workers movement, and that which exists within the 
anarchist movement. On the one hand there are the comrades 
who hold positions of power, not carrying out any precise activity 
to contribute to the revolutionary consciousness of the mass, but 
who spend their time presiding over meetings and conferences 
aimed at influencing younger comrades through the incantation 
of abstract principles. These principles are upheld as the only true 
tenets of anarchism, and are adhered to by those who, either by 
laziness or weakness, accept them acritically. The manifestations of 
these islands of power usually take the form of publications that are 
long standing and repetitive. They have the external semblance of 


an ‘open forum’ for the use of the movement as a whole, but the 
basic ideology—that of conservation and stasis—is filtered through 
from behind the flurry of‘helpers’ carrying out the task of ‘filling’ and 
physically producing the publication. These publications are the first 
to condemn autonomous actions that take their points of reference 
from the illegal movement of the exploited. They are the first to 
denounce them, accusing them of bringing police repression down 
on the anarchist movement. In their reveries they have forgotten 
that repression always exists, and that only in its most sophisticated 
form creates the peaceful graveyard of acquiescence, where only 
ghosts are allowed to tread. Many of the most forceful of recent 
social rebellions have been fired and spread by the popular response 
to police repression. 

The traditional anarchist movement finds itself threatened 
therefore by the other movement of anarchists, the autonomous 
groups and individuals who base their actions on a critical ap¬ 
praisal of past methods and up to date theory and analysis They 
too use the traditional instruments of leaflets, newspapers and 
other publications, but use them as tools of revolutionary critique 
and information, trying always to go towards the mass struggle 
and contribute to it personally and methodologically. It is quite 
coherent—and necessary if they are to be active participants in the 
struggle—that they also apply the instruments of direct action and 
armed struggle. These groups refuse the logic of the power centre 
and ‘voluntary helpers’. Each individual is responsible for his or her 
action which is based on decisions reached through the endless 
task of acquiring information and understanding. Some of this can 
also be gained from older or more experienced comrades in the 
group, but never as something to be revered and passed down 
acritically. Just as there are no immovable boundaries between the 
two workers’ movements, nor are there within the two anarchist 
movements. Nor is there a fixed boundary between the latter 


JULY 3 I : Despite close police protection in the home of the Sec¬ 
retary for Trade and Industry, John Davies, it is badly damaged by a 
powerful explosion in London. This action followed close on Davies’ 
announcement of his intention to close Upper Clyde Shipbuilders, 
throwing thousands of men out of work. This is accompanied by 
the I Ith Comunique from the Angry Brigade. 

AUGUST 2: Two houses in Essex searched with explosives war¬ 
rant. Judge Argyll of the OZ trial is threatened in his Midlands home. 
The trial date for Jake Prescott and Ian Purdie is set for September 
7, and now the police’s concern is to do everything possible to 
wreck and intimidate any support action that might be planned for 
them. Various houses are raided and material and addresses related 
to the Jan and Jake defence is seized. One of the places raided was 
the Agitprop collective in Bethnal Green, London, where material 
was seized. 

AUGUST I 5: More raids: Hungerford Road, Dave Garfmkel taken 
for questioning. Beresford Terrace, N5—documents seized. Crystal 
Palace—Sally Keith’s house, floorboards ripped up. 

AUGUST I 5: Following the announcement by the British Govern¬ 
ment that internment was to be introduced in Ireland, there was a 
powerful explosion at the Army recruiting centre in Holloway Road, 
North London. This was accompanied by a Communique signed 
‘Angry Brigade Moonlighters Cell’. 

AUGUST 16: Agitprop, Bethnal Green again raided with explo¬ 
sives warrant. 

AUGUST I 7: Wilson and Habershon raid house in Talbot Road, 
Notting Hill, with warrant for stolen goods. 

AUGUST 21 : House in Amhurst Road, London, raided by Special 
Branch and CID. Jim Greenfield, Anna Mendelson.John Barker and 
Hilary Creek are arrested. The four are taken to the ‘Bomb Squad’ 
HQ in Albany Street, London, where the two men are subjected to 
a brutal beating-up to extract a confession from them. 
AUGUST 21 : Stuart Christie arrested at Amhurst Road, London, 


and the Marius Jacob group against British Rail, Rolls Royce and 
Rover offices in Paris. 

MAY: Harris Gleckman, Alan Barlow, and Smith raided for the 
second time at Agitprop, Muswell Hill. 

JUNE I: A letter is sent to The Times: ‘If Heath and Rippon con¬ 
trive to enter the Common Market without seeking the opinion 
of the British people they will be on the receiving end of a bullet. 
This is no idle threat. Signed: The Angry Brigade.’ 

JUNE 19: Factory at Dordan damaged by several fires started by 
incendiary devices. 

JUNE 22: During a dispute between Ford management and the 
militant shop steward John Dillon, in the Ford Liverpool plant, the 
Angry Brigade blow up the home of Ford’s managing director, Wil¬ 
liam Batty, in Essex. The same night a bomb damages a transformer 
at the Dagenham plant of the Ford Motor Company. 

BY THIS TIME Scotland Yard is hopping mad. Sir John Waldron 
holds a conference there, where senior police officers are told of the 
order that has come from the Prime Minister via Horne Secretary 
Maudling, that The Angry Brigade must be found and smashed’... 
‘We have been ordered to treat the Angry Brigade as Public Enemy 
Number One. This is a top priority job.’ In the words of the Sunday 
Telegraph: ‘YARD WILL GET THE ANGRY BRIGADE .... A special 
team of 20 hand-picked detectives from the Flying Squad and Special 
Branch, working with army bomb disposal experts and Home Office 
scientists. Their leader, a commander whose name is being kept 
secret for his own safety... is known as rough and ready... The squad 
is taking a tough line. It will raid hippy communes, question avowed 
members of the ‘underground’ and build up a complete file on the 
subculture that threatens the present social order.’ 

JULY 25: intimidation of a claimant in North London when police 
with explosives warrant smash door in. 

JULY 26: Ian Purdie refused bail of £17,500 by Melford Steven¬ 


movement and the insurrectionalist workers’ movement. When 
the struggle heightens these movements come close together and 
intermingle, the anarchists however always with the aim of pushing 
the struggle to a revolutionary conclusion and offering libertarian 
methods to prevent its being taken over by authoritarian structures. 
The other, traditional anarchist movement has shown all too often 
in the past its willingness to form alliances with structures of the 
official workers’ movement. 

Given the situation at the end of the sixties and beginning of 
the seventies, with its wave of industrial unrest at the level of the 
base, the students’ struggles in the universities, the struggles of the 
unemployed, women and so on, the Angry Brigade emerge both as 
a product of this reality, and as revolutionary subjects acting within 
it. To reject them as some form of social deviance is to close one’s 
eyes to the reality of the struggle at that time. The fact that their 
actions deliberately took place in the field of illegality, soliciting 
others to do the same, does not in way disqualify them from what 
was in its very essence an illegal movement. It is possible to see 
this even in the context of the bombings alone that took place in 
these years (although by doing so we do not intend to reduce the 
vast and varied instruments of illegality to that of the bomb): Major 
Yallop, head of the Laboratories at Woolwich Arsenal, main witness 
for the prosecution in the trial of the supposed Angry Brigade, was 
forced to admit that in addition to the 25 bombings between 1968 
and mid 1971 attributed to them, another 1,075 had come through 
his laboratory. 

Looking at the bombings claimed by the Angry Brigade, we see 
that they focus on two areas of struggle that were highly sensitive 
at the time. The first was the struggle in industry: the bombing of 
the Dept, of Employment and Productivity on the day of a large 
demonstration against the Industrial Relations Bill; the bombing 


of Carr’s house on the day of an even larger demonstration; the 
bombing of William Batty’s home during a Ford strike at Dagenham; 
the bombing of John Davies’, Minister of Trade and Industry, during 
the Upper Clyde Shipbuilders crisis; the bombing of Bryant’s home 
during a strike at one of his building works. To complement these 
attacks, there were the bombs aimed directly at the repressive ap¬ 
paratus of the State at a time when repression was increasing heavily 
in response to the upsurge in all areas of struggle. The bombing of 
the home of Commissioner Waldron, head of Scotland Yard. The 
bombing of the police computer at Tintagel House; the home of 
Attorney General Peter Rawlinson, and, finally, that of a Territorial 
Army Recruitment centre just after internment was introduced in 
Northern Ireland fall into this category. The bombing of the high 
street boutique, Biba’s and that of the BBC van the night before the 
Miss World contest was an attempt to push further in the direc¬ 
tion of destroying the stereotyping and alienation of the spectacle 
of consumerism and role playing ‘Sit in the drugstore, look distant, 
empty, bored, drinking some tasteless coffee? or perhaps BLOW 

By their actions the Angry Brigade also became a part of that 
spectacle, but a part that took form in order to contribute to its 
destruction. Their actions as presented here find a place therefore 
not as some old commodity to be taken out and dusted, then put 
back on the shelf like a relic that belongs to the past. The work 
they carried out—and which five libertarians paid for in heavy 
prison sentences—is a contribution to the ongoing struggle which 
is changing form as the strategies of capital change in order for it 
to restructure and preserve itself. A critical evaluation of the Angry 
Brigade must therefore, take place elsewhere than on the sterile 
pages of this pamphlet. It must take place in the active considerations 
of a movement that has a task to fulfil, and that does not take heed 
of the condemnation and defamation by those whose ultimate aim 


feels there is enough evidence against the two of them for a trial to 
be set at the Old Bailey. There is no doubt that he will find so, but 
nevertheless proceedings proceed ...interminably...until May 27. 
Jake had been presented (April 15) with three more charges: having 
conspired with Ian to cause explosions ‘with others’ between July 
1970 and March 1971 and having actually caused the Miss World 
and DEP bombings. 

APRIL 22: Arson at Whitechapel Barclays Bank. 

APRIL 23: Booby trap incendiary envelope posted to MP at House 
of Commons. 

APRIL 24: Second police raid in Wivenhoe, Essex. Charges: 
possession of drugs—shown photos of Jim Greenfield and Anna 
Mendelson and 2 others. 

APRIL 26: 3rd raid on Cannock Street. Chris arrested on cheques 

APRIL 28: The Times receives a liquid bomb through the post. 
It had a message: ‘From the Vengeance Squad, the Angry Brigade, 
The People’s Army. We will use these. Many of them in June and 
July. Revolution now.’ 

APRIL 29: Sabotage at Nuclear Power Station, Berkeley, Glouces¬ 
ter (3rd such incident within three months). 

APRIL/MAY: The IS printers had an intimidating visit, asking about 
women’s newspaper. Raids on IS members in London. 

MAY I : Mayday, a bomb explodes in the Biba boutique in trendy 
Kensington. It was accompanied by Communique 8. 

MAY 4: Bomb found strapped to the underside of Lady Beaver- 
brook’s car. Inquiries range through Kent, Essex and Oxfordshire. 
MAY 4: Four home-made bombs found near the Sidcup and Chisle- 
hurst Grammar School, where Prime Minister Heath received the 
Freedom of Bexley on Friday. 

MAY 22: Bomb attack on Scotland Yard Computer Room at 
Tintagel House, London. This is accompanied by simultaneous at¬ 
tacks by the Angry Brigade, the International Solidarity Movement 


MARCH 18: During a major strike of Ford workers in England 
the main offices of the Ford Motor Company at Gants Hill, Ilford 
on the outskirts of London, is wrecked by a powerful explosion. 
A thousand word Communique (Communique no 7) is delivered 
shortly after. 

- A man walks into a London bank, and demands £5,000 with the 
threat of a bomb that he had with him (a biscuit tin full of coal). 
The bomb at Fords sparks off another wave of raids. 

MARCH 20: House in Notting Hill raided. Defence documents 

MARCH 23: Grosvenor Avenue raided for the second time. Dogs 
and ten pigs. 

MARCH 24: Two houses in East London raided. First, Ron Bailey’s 
with explosives warrant. Impression of typewriter taken. Second, 
Digger Walsh’s with explosives warrant, by Cremer and Bentley. 
APRIL I : Two houses in Notting Hill raided. More defence files 
for the Powis Square trial are seized. 

Throughout the period since their arrest, Ian and Jake have 
been kept in solitary in Brixton Prison, allowed out for only one 
hour each day. Their defence lawyers can only gain access to them 
after bargaining with Habershon. When the defence counsel asks 
for evidence of arrests to be produced, he is told this can’t be 
done without the permission of the Attorney General. In addition 
£ 10,000 bail for each of the defendents is refused by the magistrate 
at Barnet. 

APRIL I: The home of the headmaster of Roydale School is 

APRIL 5: Arson attempt at Gosport Tory Club. (Evening Standard 
says ‘this is the latest in a series of incidents involving this club in 
the last six months.’) 

APRIL 5: Bomb left in Leicester Square. 

APRIL 22: Committal proceedings for Jake and Ian start at Barnet 
Court. The committal is to decide whether or not the magistrate 


is to protect themselves. 

Many problems are raised by a rereading of the actions and 
experiences of the Angry Brigade- clandestinity or not, symbolic 
action or direct attack, anonymous actions or the use of Commu¬ 
niques to be transmitted by the media— to name but a few. The 
pages that follow help to highlight these questions, whose solution 
will only be found in the concrete field of the struggle. 

Jean Weir 




We expect the news of the machine-gunning of the Spanish 
Embassy in London 1 on Thursday night to be suppressed by the 
bourgeois Press. It’s the third time over the last month that the 
system has dropped the mask of the so-called ‘freedom of informa¬ 
tion’ and tried to hide the fact of its vulnerability. 

‘They’ know the truth behind the BBC 2 the day before the 
Miss World farce, ‘they’ know the truth behind the destruction of 
property of High Court judges; ‘they’ know the truth behind the 
four Barclays Banks which were either burned or badly destroyed; 
‘they’ also know that active opposition to their system is spread¬ 

The Angry Brigade doesn’t claim responsibility for everything. 
We can make ourselves heard in one way or another. We machine- 
gunned the Spanish Embassy last night in solidarity with our Basque 
brothers and sisters. We were careful not to hit the pigs guarding 
the building as representatives of British capital in fascist Spain. If 
Britain cooperates with France over this ‘legal’ lynching by shutting 
the truth away, we will take more careful aim next time. 


Communique, The Angry Brigade 3 


Scotland Yard for assault (of those dragged away from Bow Street) 
and for wrongful arrest and imprisonment. The Special Branch were 
present at the Miss World trial. 

FEBRUARY I 3: Searches at the homes of Hilary Creek, John 
Barker, Kate McLean, Chris Allen and others in a hunt for explo¬ 
sives. Jake Prescott is charged with conspiracy to cause explosions 
between July 30 1970 and December 1971, and with the specific 
bombings of Carr’s home, the Dept of Employment and the Miss 
World contest. 

FEBRUARY I 5: Cannock Street is raided again. 

FEBRUARY 19: Habershon goes to Edinburgh. Two houses are 
raided and Jane and Chris Allen are questioned. The same day 
The Times prints Communique 6 from the Angry Brigade. There 
was also a telephone call from an Angry Brigade spokesman to 
the Havering Recorder in Essex, saying that from Saturday next a 
campaign of violence would be conducted against Conservative 
Party policies in South Africa. 

The raids continue... 

FEBRUARY 20: Mike Kane’s house is raided. 

MARCH 5: House in Talbot Road, Notting Hill raided. 
MARCH 6: 12 midnight, house in Tyneham Road, SWI I, raided, 
Ian Purdie was there and was arrested. Habershon said at Barnet 
that ‘the raid was to find explosives and Ian Purdie. They are syn¬ 
onymous as far as I am concerned.’ He admitted in court that he 
had ordered Ian to be arrested for questioning, which is illegal. 
MARCH 7: Ian Purdie is charged, along with Jake Prescott, accused 
of the two Angry Brigade bombings They are both in the top security 
wing at Brixton Prison—as class A prisoners—and are kept in their 
cells for 23 hours a day. 

MARCH 10: The Guardian reports on police excesses in their 


refuses them access to a lawyer who was present outside the sta¬ 
tion. The papers start to talk of a Scottish anarchist. 

Two men are seized by police in London and taken to Barnet 
for questioning concerning ‘about 30 unpublicised attacks on Estab¬ 
lishment property’ including banks, the home of Tory racist Duncan 
Sandys and various Conservative Party offices. 

JANUARY 29: The Evening News reports that: ‘ the latest 
report of HM Inspector of Explosives, there was again a substantial 
increase in the number of cases involving homemade devices. There 
is evidence of the increasing use of such devices in the furtherance 
of political activities’. 

JANUARY 30: Slough Conservative Office firebombed. 
FEBRUARY 3: Jake Prescott is released on bail and yet is ar¬ 
rested on the I Ith. He is interrogated, denied access to a lawyer 
for three days, and is accused of the attacks on Carr’s home and 
the BBC van. 

FEBRUARY 9: The Jersey home of a local managing director 

FEBRUARY 11 : The house in Grosvenor Avenue, Islington, where 
Jake Prescott had been staying, is raided by the police. The house 
is searched for explosives. Diaries, address books, newspapers 
and other articles are taken away, despite protests that this does 
not come into the terms of the police warrants. Press reports now 
make Grosvenor Avenue the centre of the conspiracy. The nearest 
thing they can find... 

FEBRUARY I I: Earlier in the day Habershon and his gang had 
disrupted the trial of the people who were involved in the dem¬ 
onstration at the Miss World contest in November 1970. They 
removed by force four of the defence witnesses who were due 
to give evidence in the trial. They were taken off to Barnet, where 
they were questioned and denied all access to legal representation. 
Habershon comes forth in true democratic light when he says ‘I 
am not concerned with legal niceties’. Charges are brought against 


Fascism & oppression 
will be smashed 

Embassies (Spanish Embassy machine-gunned Thursday) 

High Pigs 




Communique I 
The Angry Brigade 

* * * 

Min. E. & Prod. 

Communique 2 
The Angry Brigade 4 

* * * 

(Only extracts of Communique 3 are available from I.T. 94 and 
I.T. 95) 

The statement claims the bombing of the Department of Em¬ 
ployment and Productivity Wages Council Office. They described 
it as part of ‘a planned series of attacks on capitalist and govern¬ 
ment property’. It ends ‘we will answer their force with our class 
violence’. 5 

Robert Carr got it tonight. 

We’re getting closer. 6 

Communique 4 
The Angry Brigade 


We are no mercenaries. 

We attack property not people. 

Carr, Rawlinson 7 , Waldron 8 , would all be dead if we had 

Fascists and government agents are the only ones who attack 
the public—the fire-bombing of the West Indian party in South 
London, the West End cinema bomb. 9 British democracy is based on 
more blood, terror, and exploitation than any empire in history. 

Has a brutal police force whose crimes against people the media 
will not report. 

Now its government has declared vicious class war. 

Carr’s Industrial Relations Bill aims to make it a one-sided 


We have started to fight back and the war will be won by the 
organised working class, with bombs. 

Communique 5 
The Angry Brigade 

* * * 


We have sat quietly and suffered the violence of the system 
for too long. We are being attacked daily. Violence does not only 
exist in the army, the police and the prisons. It exists in the shoddy 
alienating culture pushed out by TV, films and magazines, it exists 
in the ugly sterility of urban life. It exists in the daily exploitation of 
our Labour, which gives big Bosses the power to control our lives 
and run the system for their own ends. 

How many Rolls Royce... 

How many Northern Irelands... 

How many anti-Trade Union bills will it take to demonstrate 


officials are becoming increasingly embarrassed and annoyed by the 
activities of the Angry Brigade, who cannot now be dismissed as a 
group of cranks. Some senior officers credit the group with a degree 
of professional skill that has seldom been experienced’. 

In the weeks after the Carr bombing, the Barnet Brigade, 
headed by Roy Habershon (explosives expert), Commander Bond 
and Commander Dace, thundered all over London with squad cars, 
dogs, photographers, raiding houses of‘known left wing extremists’. 
Their concern (as was clear from the number of address books, 
magazines, letters, etc that they took) was to draw up a picture of 
the extraparliamentary left, whose activities they were now forced 
to take seriously, and whose structures they were more or less 
ignorant of. These were raids of the political police in action. 
The raids included: 

J ANUARY 13: Chris Reed, Huddleston Road, London, N7 
JANUARY 14: Stuart Roche, Schools Union activist. 

JANUARY 15: Ian Purdie’s brother, Robert is taken up to Barnet 
and questioned. The police are looking for Ian. 

JANUARY I 7: The house of Ann Lamche (Cinema Action) is raided. 
Two people are taken off for questioning. The Agitprop house in 
Muswell Hill (which the police were eager to look round) address 
book copied. 

JANUARY 19:4 known raids in which nothing is found. Joe Keith 
and Tony Swash questioned by Habershon. 

JANUARY 20: Ian Purdie questioned by Palmer-Hall at Bedford 

JANUARY 21: Paul Lewis of International Times is questioned by 
Habershon. Office and home searched. 

JANUARY 22: Chris Allen is questioned by Edinburgh CID. Haber¬ 
shon goes to Edinburgh for three days. 

JANUARY 23: Another raid in Edinburgh. 

JANUARY24: Police raid a house in London and two men, Ross Flett 
and Phil Carver, are dragged off to Barnet for questioning. Barnet 


particularly a victim of this. The London evening newspapers were 
trumpeting from day to day about the ‘young Scottish anarchist 
recently returned from Spain’ whom they had branded as the most 
likely... people were disappearing off the streets for questioning. 

The police visit offices of leading newspapers and take pho¬ 
tographers off to Barnet to identify people from the photos that 
were taken outside Carr’s house on the night of the January 12 

On February 3 Jake Prescott was released on bail. Ian Purdie 
was in court at the time, as he had been for Jake’s previous remands. 
Then, on February I I, Jake and a Dutch friend were seized from 
a pub in North London and dragged off to Barnet. They were re¬ 
fused any access to lawyers for two days. Jake was interrogated by 
Habershon and Allard for hours. On February 12 Jake’s defence 
counsel began preparations for a writ of habeas corpus on the police, 
which would require them to either charge Jake or release him. On 
February 13 Jan Oudenaarden, the Dutchman, was released after 
‘the most frightening experience of my life’. Jake however was not 
released. He was charged with causing an explosion at Carr’s home 
and those at the DEP and the Miss World contest. 

Jake and Jan had been ‘detained for questioning' for 3 days. In 
the court at Barnet, Habershon is challenged to produce ‘grounds 
for arrest’ and is threatened with legal action. It is claimed that he 
had tried to persuade Jake to change his lawyer - presumably to 
one who would not cause trouble for the police... 

JANUARY 25: Home of the Lord Provost of Glasgow bombed. 
JANUARY 27: Communique 5 received by the Press Association. 
The police were forced to admit that earlier bombings (which they 
had covered up) had taken place. The police, however, imposed 
a press blackout on the course of the investigations. At the same 
time the Daily Mirror offers a £10,000 reward to anybody giving 
information leading to a conviction. 

JANUARY 29: The Times reports: ‘Scotland Yard and security 


that in a crisis of capitalism the ruling class can only react by attack¬ 
ing the people politically? 

But the system will never collapse or capitulate by itself. More 
and more workers now realise this and are transforming union 
consciousness into offensive political militancy. In one week, one 
million workers were on strike... Fords, Post Office, BEA, oil de¬ 
livery workers... 

Our role is to deepen the political contradictions at every level. 
We will not achieve this by concentrating on ‘issues’ or by using 
watered down socialist platitudes. 

In Northern Ireland the British army and its minions has found 
a practising range: the CS gas and bullets in Belfast will be in Derby 
and Dagenham tomorrow. 

OUR attack is violent... Our violence is organised. 

The question is not whether the revolution will be violent. 
Organised militant struggle and organised terrorism go side by side. 
These are the tactics of the revolutionary class movement. Where 
two or three revolutionaries use organised violence to attack the 
class system ... there is the Angry Brigade. Revolutionaries all over 
England are already using the name to publicise their attacks on the 

No revolution was ever won without violence. 

Just as the structures and programmes of a new revolutionary 
society must be incorporated into every organised base at every 
point in the struggle, so must organised violence accompany every 
point of the struggle until, armed, the revolutionary working class 
overthrows the capitalist system. 

Communique 6 
The Angry Brigade 

* * * 



Two months ago we blew up Carr’s house. Revolutionary 
violence through the high walls of English liberalism. 

Apart from a short Communique we remained silent since 
...Why?... who is the Angry Brigade ...what are its political objectives 
... a lot of criticism was directed toward vague directions ... they 
called us the Special Branch, the Front, Anarcho-nuts, Commies, 
Bomb-mob, the lot ... we believe that the time has come for an 
honest dialogue ... with any comrade who cares to address us ... 
through the Underground Press ...through anything. Look around 
you brother and sister ...look at the barriers ...don’t breathe ...don’t 
love, don’t strike, don’t make trouble ...DON’T. 

The politicians, the leaders, the rich, the big bosses, are in com¬ 
mand ... THEY control. WE, THE PEOPLE, SUFFER... THEY have 
tried to make us mere functions of a production process. THEY 
have polluted the world with chemical waste from their factories. 
THEY shoved garbage from their media down our throats. THEY 
made us absurd sexual caricatures, all of us, men and women. THEY 
killed, napalmed, burned us into soap, mutilated us, raped us. 

It’s gone on for centuries. 

Slowly we started understanding the BIG CON. We saw that 
they had defined ‘our possibilities’. They said: You can demonstrate 
... between police lines. You can have sex... in the normal position 
and as a commodity; commodities are good. You can rally in defence 
of the TUC ... The ‘leadership’ is wise. 

THEY used confusing words like ‘public’ or the ‘National Inter¬ 
est’. Is the Public some kind of ‘Dignified Body’ which we belong to, 
only until we go on strike? Why are we reduced then to dreaded 
scroungers, ruining the country’s economy? Is ‘National interest’ 
anything more than THEIR interest? 

Lately we started seeing through another kind of con: there is a 
certain kind of professional who claims to represent us... the MPs, 


In the week after the Carr bomb a police guard was provided 
for Justice Melford Stevenson after he had received a phone call 
saying that a bomb was to be placed at his house. This was Melford 
the hanging judge who was to sentence Jake Prescott to 15 years. 

Secret orders have been issued to police and security guards 
that members of the organisation must be flushed out as a matter 
of top priority. An undercover squad of Special Branch officers has 
been formed to pursue full-time investigation into the group. 

Full-time guards have been placed on Cabinet Ministers. These 
are angry times... Peter Walker (Environment Minister), Melford 
Stevenson, Tory MP Hugh Fraser, Tory Prime Minister Heath and 
many others have received threatening calls. A Communique sent 
to the Express newspaper says: THE ANGRY BRIGADE IS AFTER 

JANUARY 18: Glasgow South African Airways office fire- 

JANUARY 19: Jake Prescott was arrested an a cheque charge 
in Notting Hill. On January 20 he appeared in Marylebone Court, 
where he was questioned by Habershon. In the time he was inside 
on remand, he was put in cells with Messrs A, B and C. Habershon 
had an interview with Mr A at Camberwell Court, which he took 
up again on February 9. Mr A made a statement that Jake ‘had ad¬ 
mitted the bombings at the DEP, Carr’s home and the Miss World 
Contest’... Very convenient! But unfortunately for Habershon, the 
jury at Jake’s trial were not prepared to believe the police witness 
(perhaps they had in mind the £ 10,000 reward that had been of¬ 
fered by the Daily Mirror for police informants) ...This part of the 
police evidence was rejected as a frame-up. 

At this time the police were being given full rein to do what they 
liked. In the midst of the hysteria that was generated by the idea that 
the opposition might be armed, in the midst of the fear that came 
after a cabinet minister had his front door blown off, a manhunt 
was taking place ‘leaving no stone unturned’. Stuart Christie was 


but also brought a witness who vouched that Jake was in fact in 
Edinburgh at the time. They were forced to drop this charge. 
DECEMBER 3: Spanish Embassy in London machine-gunned 
following international protests against the trial of the Basque na¬ 
tionalists, the Burgos Six. This was not reported. 

DECEMBER 8: Big demonstrations against the Tory Govern¬ 
ment’s Industrial Relations Bill. In the early hours of December 
9 the Department of Employment and Productivity in St James 
Square, London, is bombed. The police had searched the building 
and no sooner left it than it went off. Action claimed by the Angry 


JANUARY I 2: Thousands of people strike and march against 
the Industrial Relations Bill. The home of Robert Carr, Minister of 
Employment, in Hadley Green Road, Barnet, is bombed. First explo¬ 
sion is at 10.05pm, the second at 10.20pm. The action is claimed 
by the Angry Brigade. 

‘One man the police particularly a Scot in his twen¬ 
ties who is suspected of being involved in the bomb attack at the 
Iberia Airlines office in London last August. This man was believed 
to be in Paris yesterday.’ The Times 

The hunt for Stuart Christie as a likely ‘candidate for outrage’ 
was on. His history as an anarchist and his involvement with the 
movement in Spain made him a superb candidate for a fit-up. 

Police searches extend over the whole of the London area. 
A number of people were dragged up to Barnet Police Station for 
questioning. ‘Special Branch were watching members of a group 
believed to be connected with the explosions’. All those questioned 
at Barnet in the early part of the week were released, apart from 
a man and a woman who were handed over to the police in other 
parts of London in connection with other offences. 


the Communist Party, the Union leaders, the Social Workers, the 
old-old left... All these people have presumed to act on our behalf. 
All these people have certain things in common ...THEY always 
sell us out... THEY are all afraid of us... THEY’LL preach towards 
keeping the peace ... and we are bored ... poor ... and very tired 
of keeping the peace. 

every moment of badly paid boredom in a production line was a 
violent crime. We had rejected all the senile hierarchies and ALL 
the structures, the liars, the poverty pimps, the Carrs, the Jacksons 10 
the Rawlinsons, the Bob Hopes 11 , the Waldrons... 

To believe that OUR struggle could be restricted to the channels 
provided to us by the pigs, WAS THE GREATEST CON. And we 
started hitting them. 

January 12 was important... we shattered the blackouts of the 
yellow Press... hundreds of years of imperialism... millions of victims 
of colonisation were breaking up... all the suppressed frustration, 
all the glow of unleashed energy was blowing our minds... Carr was 
totally unimportant... he was just a symbol... we could have killed 
the bastard ... or Powell or Davies 12 ... or any pig. 

Then we were scared... like any newly born baby opening our 
eyes to a gigantic glow—we got frightened... every knock, every 
word became a menace... but simultaneously we realised that our 
panic was minute compared to the panic of the Mirrors and the 
we were everybody. 

started daring out into the open, talking to friends, to neighbours, 
to people in the pubs, in football games ... and we knew we were 



Brothers and sisters we hardly know have been picked up, 
framed, intimidated, harassed. The McCarthy’s l3 the Prescotts, the 
Purdies 14 are all INNOCENT. The pigs need scapegoats. 

Our Power is the 6 Conservative Offices petrol-bombed on 
January 13, the Altringham generator which was blown out are all 
answers of the Revolutionary movement to our call. 

We are certain that every single day that these comrades stay 
behind bars will be avenged ... Even if it means that some of the 
Pigs will lose their lives. 

Three weeks ago we nearly blew up Jackson’s headquarters. 
We knew he had to sell out. We wanted to hit him BEFORE he did 
the damage. But inside us we carry the remnants of liberalism and 
irrationality ... burdens of our past we have tried to shed. He beat 
us to it... HE SOLD OUT ... Let the working brothers and sisters 
be our jury. 

This time we knew better: it’s FORD TONIGHT. We are 
celebrating the hundred years of the Paris Commune. We are 
celebrating our REVOLUTION which won’t be controlled. 

Our revolution is autonomous rank and file action—we cre¬ 
ate it OURSELVES. We have confidence now ... we don’t have to 
wait for them to dangle something tempting like a Powell, a Bill, or 
a bad apple in front of our faces, before we jump like rabbits. We 
don’t clutch desperately at the illusion of FREEDOM. Our strategy 
is clear: How can we smash the system? How can the people take 

We must ATTACK, we cannot delegate our desire to take 
the offensive. Sabotage is a reality... getting out of the factory is not 
the only way to strike... stay in and take over. We are against any 
external structure, whether it’s called Carr, Jackson, IS, CP, or SLL 
is irrelevant—they’re all one and the same. 



AUGUST 30: The London home of the Commissioner of the 
Metropolitan Police, Sir John Waldron, is damaged by a bomb blast. 
The bombing is not reported in the national press. 
SEPTEMBER 8: The London home of Attorney General, Sir Peter 
Rawlinson, in Chelsea, is bombed. Again this goes unreported. 
SEPTEMBER 17: Jake Prescott paroled from Albany Prison, Isle 
of Wight. 

SEPTEMBER 21: Wimbledon Conservative Association fire- 

SEPTEMBER 26: Hampstead Conservative Association fire- 

SEPTEMBER 26: Bomb exploded outside Barclays Bank, Hea¬ 

SEPTEMBER 26: Simultaneous bomb attacks against Iberia in 
Geneva, Frankfurt, Paris and London airports. 

OCTOBER 7: BOAC Air terminal at Victoria, booby trap hand 
grenade found. 

OCTOBER 8: Second explosion at Rawlinson’s home. 
OCTOBER 9: Italian Trade Centre, Exhibition Building, Cork 
Street, London, bombed. Attacks simultaneously in Manchester, 
Birmingham and Paris against Italian State buildings. The attacks 
were claimed on behalf of Giuseppe Pinelli, the Italian anarchist 
murdered by the police in 1969. 

OCTOBER 24: During the Council workers’strike a bomb ex¬ 
plodes in the cleansing dept, head office, Greenford. 
OCTOBER 26: Administration building on Keele University 
campus firebombed. 

OCTOBER 26: Barclays Bank at Stoke Newington firebombed. 
Newspaper report says: ‘Police are investigating several similar 
incidents at other branches.’ 

NOVEMBER 20: A BBC van outside the Albert Hall in London 
covering the Miss World contest is bombed at 2.30am. The prosecu¬ 
tion claimed that Jake Prescott was responsible for this explosion, 


FEBRUARY 10: Ian Purdy is in prison for 9 months for throwing 
a petrol bomb at the Ulster office in Saville Row during an Irish Civil 
Rights Campaign march. 

FEBRUARY 20: Three students captured as they are about to 
firebomb Barclays Bank. 

FEBRUARY 28: Bomb attack on the Bank of Bilbao and the 
Spanish State Railways in Paris. 

MARCH 28: Time bomb found at Waterloo Station. 

MAY 4: American Embassy, London, firebombed. 

MAY 10: Incendiary device discovered aboard Iberian Airliner at 
Heathrow. Similar devices are found in other European capitals on 
planes belonging to Iberia. 

MAY 19: Wembley Conservative Association firebombed. 
MAY 22: High explosive device discovered at a new police station 
in Paddington. This was later claimed by the prosecution in the trial 
of the Stoke Newington Eight to be the first action undertaken by 
The Angry Brigade’. 

JUNE I 0: Brixton Conservative Association firebombed. 

JUNE I I : Stuart Christie’s home raided with explosives war¬ 

JUNE I 8: Lambeth Court firebombed. 

JUNE 30: Army depot, Kimber Road, London, firebombed. 
JUNE 30: Ian Purdie is released from Albany prison, (Isle of 

JULY 3 : Simultaneous bomb attacks in Paris and London against 
Spanish State tourist offices, and the Spanish and Greek Embas¬ 

JULY 7: Army recruiting office, South London, firebombed. Army 
Officer Training Centre, Holborn, London, firebombed. 

JULY 10 : Home of a retired policeman in Stoke Newington 

AUGUST 18: The London offices of Iberia Airlines, Spanish State 
airline, bombed. 




Communique 7 
The Angry Brigade 15 

* * * 

‘If you're not busy being born you’re busy buying’. All the sales 
girls in the flash boutiques are made to dress the same and have 
the same make-up, representing the 1940’s. In fashion as in every¬ 
thing else, capitalism can only go backwards...they’ve nowhere to 
go—they’re dead. 

The future is ours. 

Life is so boring there is nothing to do except spend all our 
wages on the latest skirt or shirt. 

Brothers and Sisters, what are your real desires? 

Sit in the drugstore, look distant, empty, bored, drinking some 
tasteless coffee? Or perhaps BLOW IT UP OR BURN IT DOWN. 
The only thing you can do with modern slave-houses—called bou¬ 
tiques—IS WRECK THEM. You can’t reform profit capitalism and 
inhumanity. Just kick it till it breaks. 


Communique 8 
The Angry Brigade 16 

* * * 

WE are getting closer. 

We are slowly destroying the long tentacles of the oppressive 

State machine- 

secret files in the universities 


work study in the factories 

the census at home 

social security files 




work permits 
insurance cards 

Bureaucracy and technology used against the people... 

To speed up our work 

to slow down our minds and actions 

to obliterate the truth. 

Police computers cannot tell the truth. 

They just record our ‘crimes’. 

The pig murders go unrecorded. 

Stephen McCarthy, Peter Savva 17 , David Owale 18 —The murder of 
these brothers is not written on any secret card. 

We will avenge our brothers. 

If they murder another brother or sister, pig blood will flow in the 

168 explosions last year. Hundreds of threatening calls to govt 
bosses, leaders. 

The AB is the man or woman sitting next to you They have guns in 
their pockets and anger in their minds. 

We are getting closer. 

Off the system and its property. 

Power to the people. 

Commmunique 9 
The Angry Brigade 19 


Paris: Chase Manhatten Bank, Bank of America and Transworld 

MARCH 25: US Embassy in Madrid bombed. 

AUGUST: International Anarchist Conference in Carrara, Italy. 
SEPTEMBER 10: Seven young anarchists arrested in Spain, ac¬ 
cused of conspiring with the I st of May Group and of participation 
in actions in the Valencia region. Information leading to their arrest 
came from the Special Branch of New Scotland Yard, London. 
OCTOBER 15: Imperial War Museum gutted by incendiary 

NOVEMBER 4: Department of Internal Affairs in West Berlin is 
attacked with molotov cocktails. 


FEBRUARY 3: Unexploded dynamite charges discovered on the 
premises of the Bank of Bilbao and the Bank of Spain in London. 
FEBRUARY 9: Bank of Spain in Liverpool bombed. 

MARCH I 5: Two anarchists, Alan Barlow and Phil Carver, arrested 
immediately following a powerful explosion at the Bank of Bilbao 
in London. In their possession was a letter claiming the action on 
behalf of the First of May Group. 

AUGUST 16: Home of Duncan Sandys, Tory MP, firebombed. 
AUGUST I 7: Ulster office in London firebombed. 

AUGUST 19: Bomb explodes after being thrown into army 
recruiting office, Brighton. 

OCTOBER 9: Petrol bombs found in left luggage locker in Lon¬ 


JANUARY 28: Bomb attack on offices of the Spanish Cultural 
attache in Paris. 




AUGUST 21 : Three gunmen in a white saloon car rake the consu¬ 
lar section of the US Embassy with machine gun fire the preceeding 
night. Scattered leaflets call for solidarity with the Vietnamese. The 
action is claimed by the First of May Group. Five of their comrades 
had been jailed in Spain for trying to kidnap the chief of an American 
air base in Spain. 

NOVEMBER: Simultaneous bomb attacks against the Greek, Bo¬ 
livian and Spanish Embassies in Bonn and the Venezuelan Embassy 
in Rome. (I st of May Group in solidarity with the Latin American 
guerillas and against the fascist regimes in Europe). The same day 
a bomb destroyed the entrance to the Spanish Tourist Office 
in Milan and the Spanish, Greek and American Embassies in the 
Hague, Holland. 


JANUARY: Explosive rocket discovered facing the Greek Embassy 
in London. 

FEBRUARY 27: The Hornsey home of Stuart Christie is raided by 
police led by Det. Sqt. Roy Cremer with explosives warrant relating 
to Greek Embassy and information received that other attacks were 
about to take place in London. 

MARCH 3: Six bombs damage the buildings of diplomatic missions 
in London, the Hague and Turin. These actions were claimed by 
the I st of May Group. 

MARCH 6:1 ncendiary bomb with timing mechanism explodes in 
the Moabit Criminal Court, West Berlin. 

MARCH 18: Plastic bomb attacks damage three US buildings in 


* * * 






Communique 10 
The Angry Brigade 

* * * 


He hides the deliberate rundown of heavy industry, the run¬ 
down of investment in the traditionally depressed areas, that’s never 
been much anyway, by saying that the closures at UCS are just the 
result of bad management. And the bloody management won’t suffer 
anyway. The conditions he’s made for the new company are tough 
only for the workers who have to sign once and for all a contract 
they can't fight according to the Industrial Relations Bill. 

Davies ‘courageously’ says the government won’t support lame 
ducks. Yet 2 weeks ago the government put a massive investment 
in Harland and Wolff. A political move to keep capitalism going at 
any cost in the face of the people’s uprising. 


We’d like to say to you to watch out for all the vultures who’ll 
be flying to Clydeside to tell you what to do. The same people who 
signed the productivity deals that started the redundancy ball rolling 
are now trying to feed off your struggle. If there’s going to be an 
occupation it’s got to be for real. Take the yards from the bosses 


and keep them. The Labour Party, the Unions and their minions, the 
CP with its productivity craze, the same bastards who always sell us 
out will try to fob you off with gestures like one day strikes and one 
day occupations, petitions, etc , which will achieve bugger all. 

Communique I I 
The Angry Brigade 

* * * 

Over 5,500 refugees, 2,000 homeless, over 20 dead in 2 days, 
230 imprisoned without charge or trial, the six occupied counties 
of Ireland are terrorised by the gunmen in khaki. This war of terror 
is carried out in the name of the British people. THIS IS A SLAN¬ 
DEROUS LIE. The British Imperialist Campaign in Ireland is waged 
only to safeguard the fat profits of a few rich pigs and power crazy 

We warn all unemployed brothers and sisters. 

Do not be fooled by the army recruiting campaign. An army 
career isn’t fun in the sun and learning a useful trade, if you join 
you’ll be trained in Belfast, Derry and all the other working class 
ghettos in Northern Ireland to murder and brutalise ordinary 
working class people. The training will come in useful when the 
boss class sends the troops into Clydeside, Merseyside, Tyneside, 
Birmingham, London and all the working class districts throughout 
Britain. To any unemployed worker thinking of joining up we ask 
you one question: 



(12) John Davies, the Minister of Technology and former director general of 
the Confederation of British industry, the supposed opposite of the TUC. 
His earlier posts with Anglo-lranian Oil, BP, Shell Mex and the National 
Export Development Council helped strengthen the British Empire. 

(13) Stephen McCarthy died in January 1971 as a result of a brutal arrest 
by two Islington pigs and gross mistreatment by prison medical authorities 
in Wormwood Scrubs and Dover Borstal. 

(14) Jake Prescott and Ian Purdie were falsely charged by Chief Superintend¬ 
ent Habershon with having been involved in earlier Angry Brigade actions. 
Jake, arrested on February Nth, 1971, and Ian, arrested on March 7th 
1971, were in solitary confinement for the Angry Brigades’ actions against 
Fords, Biba’s and the police computer. 

(15) This Communique was sent on the night of March 13th, 1971. 

(16) The Communique is dated May 1st, 1971. The same day a bomb ex¬ 
ploded in the trendy Biba boutique in Kensington High Street, Chelsea. 

(17) Peter Savva was killed in the Holloway Road pig station. London, in 
May 1971. The pigs pretended that Peter tripped when drunk: the coroner 
reported 'death by misadventure’. 

(18) David Owale, a Nigerian, was found dead in a river near Leeds two 
years ago. Leeds pigs were charged with ‘unlawfully killing a vagrant Ni¬ 
gerian immigrant’. 

(19) This Communique was sent on May 22nd, 1971, following an explo¬ 
sion at the police computer, Tintagel House, London, and simultaneous 
explosions at three British offices in Paris. 



(1) An unnumbered Communique which seems to be the first. Thursday 
night was the night of December 2/3, 1970. 

(2) On November 20th, 1970 a bomb was placed under a BBC van. The 
van was to be used to aid the BBC in glorifying the super-women of the 
Miss World competition. 

(3) Communique 3 was sent on December 9th, 1970. 

(4) This Communique was preceded by two phone calls to the national 
Press. Min. E. & Prod, (Department of Employment and Productivity) was 
hit by a bomb explosion the night of December 8th, in the basement of St 
James’ Square. The DEP at the time with minister Robert Carr in charge, is 
one of the government’s organisations responsible for dangerous working 
conditions, unemployment, productivity agreements, and the Industrial 
Relations Bill passed by the Tory government. 

(5) The Communique was sent on December 9th, 1970. 

(6) The Communique was sent on the night of January 12th 1971. The 
Carr family, spending a typical evening at home, were shaken by the blast 
of the first bomb. Mr Carr, after crawling on the floor to the disconnected 
telephone, takes his wife and daughter to a neighbour’s house. Showing his 
usual concern for workers’ welfare, he instructs the nanny/housekeeper to 
go back into the house alone. Then a second bomb explodes, not hurting 
the housekeeper, but knocking three police officers to the ground. 

(7) Sir Peter Rawlinson, Commissioner of the Metropolitan Police, has been 
a pig for 43 years in London, Ceylon, Lancashire and Berkshire. A bomb 
had exploded at his home on October 30th, 1970. 

(8) Sir John Waldron, Heath’s Attorney General, graduated from Christ 
College, Cambridge, with a BA, the British Army in North Africa with a 
major’s rank and the Inner Temple Bar with a piece of silk (QC). A bomb 
had exploded at his home on September 8th, 1970. 

(9) A bomb mysteriously exploded last autumn in a car near a West-End 
cinema, killing two people. 

(10) Tom Jackson, as head of the Union of Post Office Workers, directed 
the Post Office strike and then broke the strike with a sell-out pay deal. 

(11) Bob Hope, who entertained regularly for US troops in Vietnam, also 
played the Big Man Master of Ceremonies at the Miss World competi¬ 



Who will you shoot when your parents, brothers and sisters 
are in sight of your gun? 

The British boss class has lined its pockets with the accumulated 
profits of 700 years of exploitation of the Irish working people. 
Now they are killing to defend these profits. 



* * * 

The Angry Brigade bombing of Chris Bryant’s home in Birming¬ 
ham has brought attention to the activities of the Bryant building 

For two weeks workers on a Bryant site have been on strike 
demanding a flat rate of one pound an hour and the end of ‘the 
lump’—a pool of self-employed non-union men available for hire. 

The blast badly damaged the front of Bryant’s six bedroomed 
house but as with other AB bombings, didn’t hurt anyone. 

Capitalism is a vicious circle. 

People’s sweat and blood is used and exploited. They make us 
produce shit.. they give us next to nothing while their class pockets 
huge profits ...the ruling class...the Bryants of this world. 

Then, when we put the overalls aside, we clean up the muck 
from our faces and we take the boring bus or train home and they 
suddenly transform us into consumers. In other words when we 
are not working they make us buy... the same shit we produced. 


The miserable wage packet they gave us they make us spend on 
useless food, on machines specially designed to break down and 
on houses we know look and feel like prisons. 

Prisons we helped build. And paid (more specifically promised 
to pay over the next twenty years for we never have enough dough 
to pay for a house or a car or anything for that matter—they have 
to exploit us even more by making us pay interest) for them. We 
build the prisons and then we live in them. We produce shit and 
then we eat it. 

Producers of shit—consumers of shit. 

There are many of our brothers and sisters inside. An old 
revolutionary once called prisons ‘an occupational hazard’. A hazard 
which may hit any person who chooses to take up action. But to 
lose a finger, a limb, your lungs—any accident at work—this too is 
an occupational hazard. Look at the safety precautions on Bryant’s 
sites—none at all. Not only a limb but your life. So what’s the bloody 

Chris Bryant made £1,714,857 profit last year—a 25 per 
cent rise on 1969. He does it by a cocktail of high society, high 
finance and a lot of corruption. He has clinched his deals for the 
redevelopment of Birmingham on the golf courses of Solihull with 
Corporation Councillors. The Councillors oblige by charging high 
rents on the Council estates—like Chelmsley Wood—to pay high 
prices to Bryant for his contracts. Now he’s buying up land around 
Solihull to sell to the same Council who will give him the contracts 
to develop it, with our money. No one should be conned that 
the Birmingham Mail is anything other than the Bryant broadsheet 
either. A man who lives in a mock Tudor village, (‘Windways’, 
Jacobean Road, Knowle) doesn’t have to worry about the next HP 
instalment, doesn’t have to nick a can of paint from work to make 
his house look decent, doesn’t have to worry about draughts. (But 
today—did we say Windways?) We hit million for million ...We’ll 
follow him from Tudor village to Tudor Village. 


25 years we’ve waited in Birmingham for a building strike. 
Bryant hit us and bullied us with the Lump. By hitting Bryant we’re 
hitting the lump too. The Woodgate Valley stands for class solidarity 
and Revolution. The Workers have taken their stand. Sabotage in 
the place of work is a reality. The bosses are beginning to feel the 
undiluted power of the people. The people are hitting back. 

The Brigade is hitting back. 

Now we are too many to know each other. 

Yet we recognise all those charged with crimes against property 
as our brothers and sisters. The Stoke-Newington 6, the political 
prisoners in Northern Ireland are all prisoners of the class war. 

We are not in a position to say whether any one person is or 
isn’t a member of the Brigade. All we say is: the Brigade is every¬ 

Without any Central Committee and no hierarchy to classify 
our members, we can only know strange faces as friends through 
their actions. 

We love them, we embrace them as we know others will. 
Other cells, sections, groups. 

Let ten men and women meet who are resolved on the light¬ 
ening of violence rather than the long agony of survival; from this 
moment despair ends and tactics begin. 

Power to the people.